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[OBG] Nature of Race Full
Remember, that you haven't replied to this comment :

One interrogation however concerns the section "II-A. Biological Race" and its subsection "A selection of Definitions of race from the 20th and 21st century" and specifically "2. Biological Anthropological". The four references you have cited seem not to describe the same idea. Or is it just me ?


Which ones?

I re-read Section II-A, and I have always the same impression. It's frustating. 10 pages of history of race thinking, and I didn't understand what you want to show us (the underlying message). Apparently, it has something to do with the fact that today, thinkers employ the term race in relation to subspecies while centuries ago it meant either species or subspecies. First, this was mentioned only at the end of the entire section, the consequences of that conclusion being not even explicited, and I got lost at the middle of my reading, so I recommend that you explain the purpose of this section at the very beginning of this section.


That's pretty rough. I mean what do I say?

The section was called "The Genealogy of the Concept". The should explain it. It was about the origin of the concept. And it was written in reply to Frost's claim that I was making the race concept seem to sensible. Hmmm....

Others, such as Coyne (2012; 2014a; 2014b), define races as morphologically/genetically distinguishable populations that live in allopatry or which evolved differences because they once did.


I don't understand what's in bold.


Human races often don't live together. Some East Asians, for example, live in France, while others live in Hong Kong. This doesn't make them not of the same race. Coyne clarifies that contemporaneous allopatry is not the issue. Historic is. Hence they are groups "]which evolved differences because they once [lived in allopatry].

In keeping with the etymology of the term “race” (e.g., mfr. razza “race, breed, lineage, family”) and with common usage in biology


This is probably a stupid question but what is mfr. razza ?


mfr. = modern French. I will change this to ""from modern French"

While these are races, insofar as they are natural divisions, races are more than these as races include natural divisions cut out of a continua.


Races are more than natural divisions because they are natural divisions cut out of a continua ? I'm not sure what you want to say, but I'm sure this sentence is not the best way to clarify the idea. Your idea was that cluster analysis is still meaningful despite genetic continuity. This sentence, in my opinion, doesn't add anything to our comprehension.


No...my idea was that isolates are natural divisions, but they are not the only natural divisions -- regions cut out of a continuum are also races.

I will change this to: "While isolates, insofar as they are natural divisions, are races, race is a broader concept, one which includes natural divisions cut out of a continuum."
Linnaeus was a species realist + creationist. He believed that god created the world and with it species/genus. Therefore "classes and orders" and everything above did not index genealogical relationship, evolutionary history, or anything in the world. These categories were the product of people artfully grouping (art) sets of species/genus (nature) by coincidental general resemblance.


Excellent reply. Really. If you feel like it, of course, you can add that complement in a footnote related to that quote.

One other thing that has bothered me with the sentence is that "art and nature" is followed immediately by "makes". Why the s ? And yet the sentence appeared exactly like this in the paper you have cited (Stamos ,2005).
I updated the Full version with an unedited rewrite of section II-A. Please let me know if this reads better.
Section 1 :

I don't have lot of things to say. This section deals with the definition of terms used in this field, and the disagreement about some thinkers (e.g., regarding natural kinds and the four taxonomic schools of race thinking). In my opinion, one of the most important argument was that taxonomy does not have any room in the concept of race and does not help to understand race (section I-G), for which Templeton failed to provide a rebuttal to your argument, as was suggested by your exchange with him (an illustration of a fantastic dialogue of the deaf). Finally, there is your argument that biological reality can be accepted and understood without the need of the acceptance of biological kinds, which would be impossible given evolutionary hypotheses. I just regret that you have made that latter point only in I-K. I hoped you could develop the idea a little bit more in, say, section I-D.

That said, I appreciate you have explained in an excellent way the difficulty of understanding intraspecific variation given the cladistic perspective of race. It wasn't that clear to me before (I am not familiar with cladistic races).

First, essentialism, in the Aristotelian sense, groups by formal natures which means both manifest – or phenotypic – structural similarities and the latent structural programs (formal natures as mover) which condition these manifest resemblances and which are transmitted across generations.


Honestly, "latent structural programs" appears like a coded language to me. Try to find something simpler, if you can.
EDIT : I edit my comment because now that the 7 threads have been merged into a single one, some links don't work.

Section 2 :

In that comment, you blockquoted me and you did it wrong. Anyway...

Which ones?


The citation from Brues (1992) seems to say something very different from the other authors. Brues says that races (geographically separated) differ in allele frequencies and range of phenotype variation which are used to infer the probability of belonging to one geographic place versus another place. Now, consider Pearson (2002) and Sarich & Miele (2004). They are both talking about groups differentiated on the basis of phylogenically-related features. Both authors were talking about an intergenerational lineage. Probably the same is true of Hooton (1926) although it's written in a weird manner. But there is no element in Brues' citation that shows he meant it that way no matter how many times I've read it.

That's pretty rough. I mean what do I say?

The section was called "The Genealogy of the Concept". The should explain it. It was about the origin of the concept. And it was written in reply to Frost's claim that I was making the race concept seem to sensible. Hmmm....


You know... I never asked you to delete that section. I wanted to say that your article is a defense of the race concept, and I would like you to explain in what way the section II-A helps you to defend (and understand) your argument. I won't insist, but I prefer if you can.

Human races often don't live together. Some East Asians, for example, live in France, while others live in Hong Kong. This doesn't make them not of the same race. Coyne clarifies that contemporaneous allopatry is not the issue. Historic is. Hence they are groups "]which evolved differences because they once [lived in allopatry].


Now I understand why I couldn't make sense of the sentence. By "they once did", you meant "they once lived in allopatry". I don't understand why it was so difficult. I should have been more patient instead of panicking like a child...

No...my idea was that isolates are natural divisions, but they are not the only natural divisions -- regions cut out of a continuum are also races.


Didn't you write "Clusters, in this sense, then are not inconsistent with clines as when clines correlate when running along a continua. Unsupervised cluster analysis programs can identify populations when there are small genetic discontinuous; that is, they can identify isolates." ? That was the meaning of my sentence : "cluster analysis is still meaningful despite genetic continuity". Was it really ambiguous ?

I will change this to: "While isolates, insofar as they are natural divisions, are races, race is a broader concept, one which includes natural divisions cut out of a continuum."


I'm ok with your changes.
MH:
The citation from Brues (1992) seems to say something very different from the other authors. Brues says that races (geographically separated) differ in allele frequencies and range of phenotype variation which are used to infer the probability of belonging to one geographic place versus another place. Now, consider Pearson (2002) and Sarich & Miele (2004). They are both talking about groups differentiated on the basis of phylogenically-related features. Both authors were talking about an intergenerational lineage. Probably the same is true of Hooton (1926) although it's written in a weird manner. But there is no element in Brues' citation that shows he meant it that way no matter how many times I've read it.



So one definition. It's from:

Brues, A. M. (1992). “Forensic Diagnosis of Race—General Race vs Specific Populations”. Social Science & Medicine. 34. (January): 125–28.

Here is the full quote:

"To the physical anthropologist, race is simply a phenomenon to be explained, as it is to the zoologist who sees the same kind of geographical diversity within nearly all widespread species. As a phenomenon, race is the fact that geographically separated populations differ in their gene frequencies and range of phenotypic variation, which therefore may be used to estimate the probability that an individual’s area of ancestry is more probably one place than another. If the characteristics associated with geographical races were produced by pleiotropic factors, in a way comparable to the determination of secondary sexual characteristics by the presence or absence of the Y chromosome, this would be a simpler task. But since the characteristics associated with race are due to multiple independent Mendelian units, part of the same system that determines individual differences, the assignment of an individual to a particular population
is based on truly multidimensional variation. "

The multivariate aspect in conjunction with the statement that the characters index (historic) regional ancestry indicates that we are dealing, more or less, with a natural division concept. I mean, we are not talking about the multicultural U.S. "race". We are talking about using correlated characters to distinguish between descendants of a historic European, African, and East Asian linebred populations. It's clearly implied that the racial characters are being genealogically transmitted. That said, Brues seems to have had a poor grasp of the history of the concept -- and she adopts an annoying fuzzy set population concept (implied, not stated) -- I discuss my beef with that in section III-A. But the argument made at the beginning of the Objective race paper is pretty good.

Look my argument isn't that everyone has been defining race as I do -- if they did I would't have felt the need to write the paper, but that the definitions of race specify or imply the core -- intraspecific natural division -- concept which I identify (by an analysis of historic and contemporary usages).


You know... I never asked you to delete that section. I wanted to say that your article is a defense of the race concept, and I would like you to explain in what way the section II-A helps you to defend (and understand) your argument. I won't insist, but I prefer if you can.


I didn't delete it; I reorganized it. Read the beginning/end of II A/B and beginning of II C. Generally, section II-A to, now, the beginning of section II-C, shows the historical continuity of the concept. It also provides background for the arguments made in section III-B and C and V-G, and the intros to section IV (section IV-A) and VI (section VI-A). Let me know what I can add to make the section read better and make more sense. I don't see why you don't see the connection between it and III-B/C and IV-A, etc.

I argue over and over again that the race concept was introduced to make sense of e.g., European-looking people born in the Americas. And that the same concept is needed today to explain the spatial tranferability of traits. Since I do this, it's reasonable that I elaborate on the issue.

Didn't you write "Clusters, in this sense, then are not inconsistent with clines as when clines correlate when running along a continua. Unsupervised cluster analysis programs can identify populations when there are small genetic discontinuous; that is, they can identify isolates." ? That was the meaning of my sentence : "cluster analysis is still meaningful despite genetic continuity". Was it really ambiguous ?


It wasn't clear to me.
Section 1 :Finally, there is your argument that biological reality can be accepted and understood without the need of the acceptance of biological kinds, which would be impossible given evolutionary hypotheses. I just regret that you have made that latter point only in I-K. I hoped you could develop the idea a little bit more in, say, section I-D.


I will leave section I as it is. It is too tedious for most people as it is.

Honestly, "latent structural programs" appears like a coded language to me. Try to find something simpler, if you can.


I uploaded a new version. I changed ""latent structural programs" to "structural design". I edited section VI, the references, and section IV.
Regarding section 2 :

The multivariate aspect in conjunction with the statement that the characters index (historic) regional ancestry indicates that we are dealing, more or less, with a natural division concept. I mean, we are not talking about the multicultural U.S. "race". We are talking about using correlated characters to distinguish between descendants of a historic European, African, and East Asian linebred populations. It's clearly implied that the racial characters are being genealogically transmitted. That said, Brues seems to have had a poor grasp of the history of the concept -- and she adopts an annoying fuzzy set population concept (implied, not stated) -- I discuss my beef with that in section III-A. But the argument made at the beginning of the Objective race paper is pretty good.


I have read the two Brues' articles you have indicated. I'm not convinced by your interpretation and I maintain that what Brues says is different than what the three other authors said. What I understand is that she predicts an individual's area of ancestry based on differences in gene pools. Brues talks about geographical belonging not genealogical transmission. It's not obvious to me that "It's clearly implied that the racial characters are being genealogically transmitted". I also don't understand the bolded parts of the text. But in the last sentence, Brues talks about the same thing, that is, "the assignment of an individual to a particular population". I don't see anything related to genealogy. What was the new information here ? You implicitly made your case about genealogy but even from the author that idea is not implicit. Even when Brues refers to Mendelian inheritance, this was in relation to "the assignment of an individual to a particular population".

I believe if you add Brues in "2. Biological Anthropological" along with Hooton, Pearson, Sarich & Miele, it will only add confusion. Honestly, I don't think you need Brues to make your readers understand what you meant. If you ask any other readers (try to ask Peter Frost) I think most (if not all) people won't understand Brues as you do.
I edit my message because due to the merging of the 7 threads, some links don't work after the disappearance of the previous threads.

Section 5 :

First, I want to say something. About that :

(b) ecotypes (and hence races) are only superficially different from each other because they are usually selected for only a relatively small number of traits that are advantageous in certain environments. This means that races are nothing like phylogenetically divergent subspecies.


While you dealt with the second sentence, you ignored the first. Remember that his conclusion that "races are nothing like phylogenetically divergent subspecies" was based on the fact that "they are usually selected for only a relatively small number of traits that are advantageous in certain environments". He is probably referring to these paragraphs from their previous work (Pigliucci & Kaplan 2003) :

Rather, human evolution seems to have been marked by extensive gene flow. While this implies that there are not now, nor ever were, biologically significant human races that corresponded to populations that had been phylogenetically separate for some significant period of time (contra Andreasen 1998), it does not imply, as some authors have argued, that there can be no significant biological races in humans. As we saw above in the case of ecotypes, adaptive genetic differentiation can be maintained between populations by natural selection even where there is significant gene flow between the populations. Templeton (1999), for example, notes that gene flow sufficient to ensure that distinct populations evolve together as a single species is compatible with the populations having distinct, genetically mediated, phenotypic adaptations. For example, he notes that there are populations of Drosophila mercatorum in Hawaii that ‘‘show extreme differentiation and local adaptation’’ yet have significant gene flow between them.

...

None of this should come as a surprise. The issue is not, as Gould and others have been fond of claiming, that skin color is only ‘‘skin deep’’ but rather that ‘‘skin color’’ is an ecologically important—not a phylogenetically significant—trait. If skin color had evolved only once, such that populations with different skin colors formed at least partially monophyletic populations, we would expect to find many other phenotypic differences associated with differences in skin color; some would be the result of different selective regimes, but some would no doubt be the result of, for example, drift. The reason that skin color is not well correlated with other phenotypically important features is, at least in part, that skin colors evolved independently several times, and often evolved in populations that were not genetically isolated from other populations (Diamond 1997)—similar skin color therefore represents not a shared ancestry but rather similar selective pressures.


I see you have already covered this issue somewhere else in your article (e.g., sections 2 & 4), but if you decide to ignore this bit of a sentence in your section V-B, you will be once again accused of selective reading. You should be careful about that.

Concerning your comment here :

He is clearly talking about Sesardic-like population genetic races and saying that these are not "ecotypes". He is also saying, in the same discussion, that "folk races" are not ecotypes. But yes, he could be making two separate points. But then he says: ... Again, he could still be making two separate points... but much "published scientific and philosophical literature on biological differences" (e.g., Lynn, 2008; Jensen, 1998; Rushton, 1995) concerns itself with Sesardic-like population genetic races. So here again Pigliucci (2013) seemingly equates Sesardic-like races with folk races.


It's a problem because, as I have said, Kaplan agrees with me : "By folk racial category, we meant just that. Folk racial categories are the sort of racial categories used by people in the U.S. in thinking about race in everyday life". If what you say about Pigliucci is right, that means in Pigliucci & Kaplan (2003), both authors employed the term "folk races" but were interpreting it differently !!

It bothers me that Pigliucci never replied to my mail. But I want to believe that both authors understand folk races the same way.

In any case, the bolded part of the above statement of yours is odd. That's how you interpret it (i.e., as referring to Sesardic-like races), not necessarily what Pigliucci is thinking about those studies by Rushton, Lynn, etc.

And even the citation from Sesardic is curious. Read it again :

it may well be that heterogeneous human populations indeed cluster into a number of distinct groups based on the multivariate genetic similarity, but it may still turn out that these gene-based clusters do not correspond to common-sense races at all. In that case, the colloquial racial classification would still be left with no support from biology: "While we argue that there likely are a variety of identifiable and biologically meaningful races, these will not correspond to folk racial categories" (Pigliucci and Kaplan 2003, 1161).

Ironically, empirical knowledge about race and genetic is advancing so fast that Pigliucci’s and Kaplan’s prediction was already refuted while the article with their bold claim was still in print.


First of all. What does Sesardic meant by common-sense races ? Here's another passage from the same Sesardic (2010) :

Sally Haslanger states that "our everyday racial classifications do not track meaningful biological categories". She explains: "there are no 'racial genes' responsible for the different clusters of physical or cultural differences between members of racial groups…" (Haslanger 2005, 266) Indeed, if our everyday racial classifications required the existence of some special "racial genes", any connection with currently accepted biological categories would be immediately lost. But since Haslanger gives no support at all for her claim that the common sense notion of race is inextricably linked with such a demonstrably false assumption, it is fair to conclude that she has actually done nothing to show that "our everyday racial classifications do not track meaningful biological categories".


Haslanger's definition is indeed close to what Kaplan sees it. And Sesardic, in referring to Haslanger, speaks about common-sense races. That does not seem to refer to the folk races that cut out natural divisions.

Having said that, refer now again to the previous Sesardic's citation, 2nd paragraph. He cites Rosenberg et al. (2002) against Pigliucci & Kaplan (2003) to say that it "makes it much more difficult than before to claim that race is entirely disconnected from genetics". Thus, I do not think Sesardic is defending a concept of race similar to yours.

Regardless, this issue is really annoying. I will send an email to Sesardic and ask him what he meant by common-sense races.

Finally, I have something to ask, although it concerns the entire article (not necessarily section 5). In most articles on this subject, the authors don't explain what is a "grain of analysis" as if it was obvious to everyone. And I don't remember you have explained that anywhere (including footnotes). Can you provide a short description ? Here's, for example, how Hochman (2013) explains it :

Here is what Rosenberg and colleagues found. With access to samples from 52 populations, Rosenberg and his team attempted to infer worldwide population structure at five different grains of analysis, using the multivariate statistical program STRUCTURE. The 52 populations were divided into seven regions: Africa, Europe, the Middle East, Central/South Asia, East Asia, Oceania, and America. At K = 2, the roughest grain of analysis, where the program was set to distinguish two groups, the clusters were anchored by Africa and America. At K = 5, when the program was set to distinguish five groups, genotypes from Europe, the Middle East, Central Asia and South Asia were clustered together, and those from the other four regions were clustered separately. At the finest grain of analysis, K = 6, the Kalash of northwest Pakistan were added as a sixth distinct cluster.


If the readers don't understand what is a grain of analysis, they can't understand the entire discussion about the "correct" and "fine" or "finer" grain of analysis (which is, by the way, the argument that Pigliucci (2013, pp. 273-274) advances against cluster analysis that assumes a particular level (K) of analysis).

P.S.: If you make corrections (that have nothing to do with typos) I want you to tell me which subsections (and ideally, the specific pages as well) have been modified in terms of the content. And I insist on subsections. I did not say sections. I don't necessarily want to read, e.g., section 4 entirely. I think I have read all of your sections (6th excepted) a lot of time already.
Brues talks about geographical belonging not genealogical transmission. It's not obvious to me that "It's clearly implied that the racial characters are being genealogically transmitted". I also don't understand the bolded parts of the text. But in the last sentence, Brues talks about the same thing, that is, "the assignment of an individual to a particular population". I don't see anything related to genealogy. What was the new information here ? You implicitly made your case about genealogy but even from the author that idea is not implicit. Even when Brues refers to Mendelian inheritance, this was in relation to "the assignment of an individual to a particular population".


I ordered this book.
http://www.amazon.com/People-Races-Macmillan-physical-anthropology/dp/0023156708

I will delete the Brues reference until I can find a more decisive passage.
(b) ecotypes (and hence races) are only superficially different from each other because they are usually selected for only a relatively small number of traits that are advantageous in certain environments. This means that races are nothing like phylogenetically divergent subspecies.


While you dealt with the second sentence, you ignored the first. Remember that his conclusion that "races are nothing like phylogenetically divergent subspecies" was based on the fact that "they are usually selected for only a relatively small number of traits that are advantageous in certain environments". He is probably referring to these paragraphs from their previous work (Pigliucci & Kaplan 2003) :


I showed that ecotypes can refer to taxonomic category subspecies, which are by definition not "only superficially different". So I think that I dealt with both issues here. I quoted mallet:

[b]In any case, the ground finch lineage seems to represent, on at least some islands and at least some times, ecological races rather than species (Zink 2002)… We usually do not class these ecotypes or races as species… Nonetheless, while most actual ecological races probably never reach the status of species, some ecological races are likely to speciate as they already maintain the linkage disequilibria needed to evolve further speciation-related traits (Felsenstein 1981), leading to assortative mating. It does not seem unlikely that speciation via this route is the source of most new and successful species. (Mallet, 2008)

Rather, human evolution seems to have been marked by extensive gene flow. While this implies that there are not now, nor ever were, biologically significant human races that corresponded to populations that had been phylogenetically separate for some significant period of time (contra Andreasen 1998), it does not imply, as some authors have argued, that there can be no significant biological races in humans. As we saw above in the case of ecotypes, .


What they sophistically argued is that:

(a) (implied premise) race means either taxonomic category subspecies or ecotypic race
(b) taxonomic category subspecies "requires" a level of isolation that humans never exhibited, where the "requirement" is raised in the case of humans:

"Before addressing those questions, it is worth taking a short detour to consider why so many authors writing about the (non)existence of human races have made use of such a strong definition of race (i.e., assumed that biologically significant races must be populations separated from other populations by serious barriers to gene flow). Part of the reason undoubtedly has to do with the history of the term ‘‘race’’ as it is applied to humans. Insofar as one is asking a question not about the existence of biologically significant races (of the sort that exist in certain species of Drosophila, for example) but rather about the existence of a biological justification for the ‘‘ordinary’’ language racial categories, the concept of race appealed to will have to be quite strong."

(c) ecotypes refer to small locally selected populations (and need not even represent phylogentic lineages i.e., races)

(d) therefore, "folk races" of all sorts -- Sesardic like ones and US government ones --don't match onto biological races.


My reply was:

contra (a) --- (1) race means intraspecifc lineage and these need not be formally recognized and assigned to the taxonomic category subspecies.

contra (b) -- (2) there is no such requirement, so human races could be formally recognized in principle (by a liberal reading) (see also box 4.2).

contra (c) -- (3) ecotype is a broad term which can refer to (a) small intraspecifc lineages e.g., microgeographic races, large ones such as taxonomic category subspecies, or none racial forms.

I also note that the ecotype concept could be used to underwrite HBD:

"Also, though it hardly needs to be said, Pigliucci’s (2013) claim that ecotypic “differences are literally skin deep” (presumably, meaning non-behavioral) is yet another non sequitur. Differences between recognized ecotypes are frequently behavioral. For example, Breed and Moore (2011) compare their "Africanized" and their “European origin” honeybees. The European ecotype is said to be characterized by high honey storage, low aggression, and reproductive restraint. In his book, “Race, Evolution, and Behavior (1995)”, Phillip Rushton argued that similar behavioral differences existed between his White and Black races as a result of climatic adaptations. The former was said to be k-selected, the latter r-selected. Switching “race” with “ecotype” makes no material difference here. Indeed, the ecotype concept might actually be a preferable one when it comes to studying human behavioral variation, since many of the studied differences, for example in intelligence and r/k selection, are said to be adaptations to ecological pressures. Whatever the case, the focus here is not primarily on global genetic variation in behavior but on the biological race concept."

There is nothing left of the argument!

Regardless, this issue is really annoying. I will send an email to Sesardic and ask him what he meant by common-sense races


As I noted prior, Kaplan's (in email) defined "folk races" in an open manner, such that it could include Sesardic-like natural divisions. He just said, basically, "how people use the term in common discourse" and noted that "how" could differ by users. So Kaplan's definition could be consistent with my interpretation of Pigliucci's usage.

Finally, I have something to ask, although it concerns the entire article (not necessarily section 5). In most articles on this subject, the authors don't explain what is a "grain of analysis" as if it was obvious to everyone. And I don't remember you have explained that anywhere (including footnotes). Can you provide a short description ?:


I will add the following footnote after my first usage in section II -- or do you want something else.

"Simpson (1961) was correct that dividing a perfect continuity would result in empirically arbitrary delineations. But rarely are we faced with perfect continua. As a result, non-arbitrary or objective delineations of groups can be had (e.g., using unsupervised cluster mapping programs). So long as the underlying natural divisions exhibit “small discontinuous jumps in genetic distance” between them (Rosenberg et al., 2005), clusters can be identified objectively at a given grain of focus. [footnote 43]. These clusters can then be used to infer objectively delineated races.

Footnote 43. “Grain of focus”, “grain of analysis”, or “level of genetic analysis” refer to the fact that one can look at different degrees of genetic relatedness when dealing with natural divisions. The analogy is to a microscope where one can zoom in and out for, respectively, finer and coarser grains of focus. A courser grain would mean looking at larger degrees of genetic differentiation. When racial divisions are cut out at a courser grain, there would be fewer of them – they would represent the major racial divisions. At a finer grain, more divisions can be cut out – one would, effectively, subdivide or split the divisions at a courser grain. The “grain of focus” issue is also known as the lumper and splitter issue, which refers to the fact that one can aggregate and divide natural populations into, respectively, larger and smaller groupings. This issue exists on all levels when it comes to natural divisions. In taxonomic hierarchy, for example, family represents a courser grain of focus than genus, genus than species, and species than subspecies.


If you don't want it in a footnote, I can just say in a new paragraph:

To note, ....

Let me know.


P.S.: If you make corrections (that have nothing to do with typos) I want you to tell me which subsections (and ideally, the specific pages as well) have been modified in terms of the content. And I insist on subsections. I did not say sections. I don't necessarily want to read, e.g., section 4 entirely. I think I have read all of your sections (6th excepted) a lot of time already.

OK.
Admin
I have merged all the threads concerned with this publication since they were clotting up the submissions forum for no reason and also because the authors agreed with it. The post should be in chronological order.
Section 5 :

There is nothing left of the argument!


You didn't read carefully my comment. Here :

if you decide to ignore this bit of a sentence in your section V-B, you will be once again accused of selective reading. You should be careful about that.


It's just a warning. You can ignore it, but don't be too surprised if Pigliucci (who knows...) decides to charge you. And don't forget they seem to insist on this following idea : "ecotypes (and hence races) ... are usually selected for only a relatively small number of traits that are advantageous in certain environments".

As I noted prior, Kaplan's (in email) defined "folk races" in an open manner, such that it could include Sesardic-like natural divisions. He just said, basically, "how people use the term in common discourse" and noted that "how" could differ by users. So Kaplan's definition could be consistent with my interpretation of Pigliucci's usage.


First, I have to say that Sesardic gave me a reply :

Dear Meng Hu,

Thanks for the email. In response to your question, I don’t see much difference between how Kaplan and I understand the notion of folk race. In particular, I fully agree with his statement that you quote:

...there is no one set of "folk racial categories" in the U.S. -- different survey instruments recognize different races, and the same instrument will recognize different races at different times, and individual people differ in what races they recognize in their everyday lives, etc.


Best,

Neven


While my attention is directed to the paragraph that Sesardic has quoted, your attention is directed to the broad categories that Kaplan's definition of folk races seem to encompass (and not even stated clearly by Kaplan himself). The bit of sentence closest to what you said was "there is a kind a broad overlapping sense of what races get picked out in everyday life, and how those races are identified, in the U.S. context" (regarding survey instruments) and yet it's not even close to the idea that "Kaplan defined "folk races" in an open manner, such that it could include Sesardic-like natural divisions".

I don't want to insist, really. Again, it's just a warning. In hotted debates, like politics and economics, or religion, or races, people can easily be very dishonest. They read your text, try to refute 1 or 2 of your arguments, out of, e.g., 10. When it's done, they will affirm they have debunked the entire article and all of your argument, even though their "review" is a comment on a few "trivial" points you've made.

The above discussion is not a big hole, it will not affect your defense of biological races, yet it's something that dishonest people may want to insist.

I will add the following footnote after my first usage in section II -- or do you want something else.


It's OK. But if it appears somewhere in section 2, I recommend you to indicate that you'll talk about that subject in depth in section 4.

Section 6 :

About the view of so many people that race would give a justification for discriminatory actions (e.g., apartheid, slaves, ...), you can say that this conclusion is presumptuous. It implies that the past will condition the future. Because this has been done in the past given an environment where the belief of genetic difference was the norm, if we recreate that environment, we will end up just like before. And that, indeed, their claim is hysterical, not rational.

The arrow of causality is not even clear. It could be that a factor X that causes a group of people to go to war with another racial group is also what causes that group of people to believe (with or without proof) that racial genetic differences are real. Not necessarily that such belief would cause this factor X. Since you read many forums and blogs, I bet you have noticed that these guys usually resort to the same argumentation. Something like "what if there are racial genetic differences ? That doesn't matter to me, and I won't treat other groups differently". So, such belief may not have any effect on them. Imagine they're religious, Christians, what do you think they will do when they agree with the hereditarians ? They will continue to be good Christians, e.g., go to Church once in a week, as they do usual, and they will live as usual. That's all. Yet these stupid people can't resist making "association fallacies" and a perfect illustration is given in the citation of HoSang in your section VI-B.

Furthermore, it is simply not true that hereditarians would necessarily caution discrimination, apartheid, slavery etc. And it is not even true that they are necessarily anti-egalitarians and would enjoy seeing blacks stuck in the poverty trap. Gottfredson (2005) and Herrnstein & Murray's The Bell Curve (their 2 last chapters) said that America must give more opportunities to the poor, by making the good policies, and they believe that the truth (about the reality of genetic group differences) would help America to administer the best remedy. What they want, especially the authors of The Bell Curve, is to make IQ less important in achieving social success.

(P.S.: Note that the above paragraph is not my own view; personally, I don't care about this stuff, and I'm not egalitarian. I'm just giving an argument that I'm likely to make if I want to show that egalitarianism and hereditarianism are not incompatible.)

In any case, you have said more or less the same thing, as shown in the passage below :

In practice, intraspecific race was not infrequently employed to support the monogenist dogma, according to which human groups were lineages of the same species and thus not radically different either ontologically, morally, or physiologically. Insofar as objective moral worth was grounded in natural law and insofar as humans were said to share a common nature as a birthright (the biblical view at the time of the concept’s development), the concept precluded an “objective’ and self-conscious conviction” of “radical inferiority”. The species concept, on the other hand, did allow for this – and it was, at times, employed by some polygenists, for example Josiah Nott, to justify social hierarchies.


And the two citations of Hodge (2013) regarding family and religion are excellent.

But sometimes, I wonder how your opponents will react. Consider that passage :

The myth of “equality” and “universality” has supported the horrors of the Jacobinism, Leninism, Stalinism, Maoism, and the Holodomor – ultimately the greatest democides of the 20th century. It continues to support totalitarian humanism around the world.. We cannot simply ignore the harm this myth has caused and pretend that the myth never existed. The scientific, democratic and ethical goal should be to eliminate the false concepts of “equality” and “universality” completely.


I'm Ok with what you say. But remember that equality does not have a pejorative meaning. The word equality has the idea to bring groups of people closer, so to speak. But "race" affirms the differences between groups of people; it tends to encourage groups to distance themselves. That's what they will say, at least.

Ethnic and kin preferentialism is natural, in the sense of being partially genetically conditioned (Lewis and Bates, 2010; Weber et al., 2011; Orey and Park, 2012) and in the sense of being evolutionarily rational (Salter, 2003).


The first idea can be supplemented with additional yet different kind of studies. You have two studies (here and here) that show that people have dogs which "look like" their owners, and that they have cars that "look like" their owners (here). There's another study that shows that people tend to be attracted to their own traits (here). This generally supports Rushton's hypothesis (1989) that we are more altruist to people who look like us and the general idea that people cry more for relatives who are more likely to share genes in common (Littlefield & Rushton, 1986). That gives some support to the argument that people prefer people and things that look just like them. It shows that racial preference should be better termed as preference to one's self, and that it was already there; that is, the acceptance of biological race is irrelevant to the formation of these preferences. Even when accepted the belief there are no races, people would still prefer people that look like them. And it's much more than skin color. If you remember, it's more or less what I tried to say to Kaplan in my mails; the race denials want to believe that racial preferences are caused by belief about races, and that "racist" people forget about the most important aspect : the individual level. But as I said, it works the other way around. At the individual level, people prefer those who look just like them; groups of people far away geographically happened to be much less alike, either due to larger genetic distance or cultural distance or both. It just happened that individual preferences correlate with racial preferences. But race has nothing to do with it, to begin with.

The second idea deserves to be developed somewhere in section 6. Although you cited Salter's book On Genetic Interests, you didn't refer to his argument against utilitarianism and his proposal for a reasoning based purely on adaptiveness.

The problem with those based on “ethnic conflicts” is that “ethnic groups” are often not organized around a biological race concept.


Agreed. But your opponents will probably tell you that the acceptance of biological races can only worsen the situation. However, you can say that such acceptance is a poor predictor of conflicts, as suggested in VI-D. At the same time, they are likely to argue that the acceptance of biological races would tend to favor laws and promote behaviors which hurt black people. But read what follows below.

Some concede that it is not known for certain whether environmentalism or naturism is actually the case, but argue that this does not matter since false environmentalism (3) can have no negative externalities. But the actual effect of (3) is a perverted form of justice in which unjust treatment is dished out for the sake of attempting to equalize unequal groups and in which groups are ethnocided for the sake of preventing differences not unjustly caused.


I prefer geneticism over naturism (a word I have never seen in life before today). I have, by the way, never heard that geneticism invokes the idea of additive genetic effects or naturism saying it does not make that assumption. Regardless, I think your opponents can easily counter the argument in (3). False geneticism (and even true) would cause discrimination against some other races. One perfect illustration is criminal justice.

Have a look at this article. It says that when blacks are arrested, they receive greater punishments than do white people. The bias against blacks is due to the fact that most judges are whites. The racial bias diminishes substantially when at least one of the judges is black. And when whites are judged by black judges, these black judges apply stronger punishments than do white judges. Furthermore, blacks receive no extra punishment when they are accused of crime. The race of the person accused of crime (the defendant) does not affect the probability to get a death sentence. The variable that has an impact on the probability to get death sentence is the race of the victim.

Note the following paragraph that I quote :

According to these mock-jury experiments, both white and black jurors seem to discriminate. Professor Johnson did not, however, think the juror bias was intentional. “Because the process of attributing guilt on the basis of race appears to be subconscious,” Johnson says, “jurors are unlikely either to be aware of or to be able to control that process.”


What's interesting here is that racial preferences seem to be hardwired into our genes. "Conflicts" resulting from this seem inevitable. White people seem afraid that US whites discriminate against US blacks but ignore that the process is reversed in South Africa. What that seems to imply is that multiculturalism doesn't work, and nationalism (and with it, racial homogeneity) may not be a wrong alternative.

In my opinion, it's easy to counter the sort of arguments used by your opponents. People practice nepotism in their everyday life. They care more about their own children than the children of strangers, are more affected by the death of a member of their own family than to someone else, and for the same reason, they grieve more for the death of someone who is more related to them. The reason, I suspect, is because they share more alleles with the deceased person, which in this case would represent a greater genetic loss. Alleles in common decrease with genetic distance (i.e., from blood family members to blood relatives to ethny to race to species to genus). Some proof of it is suggested by the studies of Littlefield & Rushton (1986), Rushton (2005), Segal (2002).

So, it's not illogical that a white judge would feel more offensed if a non-white kills a white person. And that, for this reason, they punish strangers more severely. Your child has about half of your alleles. If you help him survive by practicing nepotism, you're helping yourself in increasing your likelihood of reproductive success. For exactly the same reason, you're more likely to gain in reproductive success if you practice nepotism for people of your own race vs other races. That's why nepotism is not irrational, and that's why it also involve harsher punishment for strangers who "attack" your own people.

The study of races didn't come before the recognition of visible, physical differences. It is because of such visible differences that the idea of races can come to mind at some point. "Races" do not create differences. And it's difference (not race) that has been the source of conflicts. This is generally not related to physical appearances but differing opinions. As you know, the acceptance of genetic differences wouldn't change the matter much more. I believe people don't care so much about genetics than what they seem. When two groups are entering into conflicts, probably the idea of whether the other groups are different due to genetics or environment is irrelevant. In any given country, a majority group may feel offensed by the cultural, religious practices of some other minority groups, and whether such tradition has genetics roots has no relevance. If the disagreement can't be resolved, sooner or later, one group would feel like taking action.

The previous statements, however, assume that utilitarianism matters. It's not always obvious. Having children (or helping others) is not considered to be a bad thing. And it is adaptive in the sense that it enhances your reproductive success (fitness). But what if children bring not happiness (as it seems) ? Does that mean everyone should stop making babies ? On the other hand, race is not a meliorative term, and the very term "race" insists on the existence of differences between people. Does that mean differences, per se, are bad ?

Why adaptiveness should be valued over utilitarianism ? Consider this passage from Salter (2006, p. 284) :

In defending religious thought from the evolutionary perspective, D. S. Wilson puts rationality in its place thus:

Adaptation is the gold standard against which rationality must be judged, along with all other forms of thought. Evolutionary biologists should be especially quick to grasp this point because they appreciate that the well-adapted mind is ultimately an organ of survival and reproduction. . . . It is the person who elevates factual truth above practical truth who must be accused of mental weakness from an evolutionary perspective.


Or this one, page 288 :

Utilitarianism has its problems, especially with justice. There are realistic scenarios in which an act or rule justified by utilitarian ethics is repellent to moral intuition. One such scenario is as follows. A suspected murderer surrenders to the town sheriff and convinces the latter of his innocence. The murder is causing widespread anger and a mob outside the gaol house, constituting most of the town's adult population, calls for the suspect's lynching. Acceding to the mob's demand would bring an immediate rise in average happiness in the town. but doing so strikes us as dereliction of the sheriff's duty and also as immoral on the grounds of punishing an innocent person. Let us change the scenario a little. Now the sheriff discovers that not only is the suspect innocent but the real murderer is the mayor. The latter killed out of passion and is most unlikely to repeat the offence. Indeed, his conduct has been exemplary all his life, while the suspect is a vagabond petty thief who lowers the tone of the town, damaging its nascent tourist industry. Convicting the mayor will ravage the town's social order, produce widespread shame and embarrassment among his extended family, and effectively kill off the tourist industry, throwing dozens of breadwinners out of work. Only the sheriff is aware of the evidence needed to convict the mayor and absolve the suspect. What should he do? Utilitarianism dictates that he let the suspect hang and the mayor go free. Yet this strikes us as unjust.


Salter (2006, p. 289) also says that one criterion of utilitarianism, happiness, is subjectively defined, but that adaptiveness does not have such problems :

Another weakness of utilitarianism is its happiness criterion. Happiness is an emotion, and thus a proximate rather than an ultimate interest. As an indicator of ultimate interests it is better than nothing, but fallible. Individuals suffering from mania appear happy and claim to be so, but are prone to maladaptive behaviour. Drug addicts experience periods of intense happiness, and this can be maintained for a time if the supply of drugs is kept up. Yet drug addiction tends to be maladaptive. Humans strive for resources and status, that is clear, but achieving this goal does not increase happiness in any simple or predictable way. By contrast reproductive fitness is an objective measurable by number of offspring and continuity of one's familial and ethnic lineage.


And some pages later, he develops his idea of adaptive utilitarianism :

The consequence of ultimate import is not happiness of the greatest number but adaptiveness of the greatest number. This notion underpins a survival ethic - which I shall refer to as 'adaptive utilitarianism' - which has important advantages over happiness and other proximate criteria.

...

A universal ethical system, one that was applicable to non-human animals, and to organisms anywhere, would emphasize the value that unites all life: reproduction. Adaptive utilitarianism would apply to all species anywhere because it deals with the fundamental reproductive interest of all life.

...

Another weakness of utilitarianism that a survival ethic corrects is the arbitrariness of the clause prescribing that happiness be maximized. Whether the criterion is happiness, pleasure or economic profit, Mill and the economists who adopted his approach thought that it was impossible to get too much of a good thing. This is an improbable view if proximate interests are not goals in themselves but means to adaptiveness. Even too much wealth or too many mates is bad if the monopoly diminishes the society bearing one's genetic interests. Too much happiness can diminish prudence and thus harm other interests, such as status or wealth, reducing fitness. Like other proximate interests, happiness necessarily exists in balance with other states, and is thus best optimized rather than maximized. Adaptiveness, in the sense of ability to survive and reproduce, is different. One cannot be too well adapted.

...

Only the means used to pursue interests count in evaluating actions. Since being adaptive is morally uncompelling, it is deemed unacceptable if any harm whatsoever is committed in its name. In other words, it is neither right nor wrong to pursue genetic interests; but the means used in that pursuit do vary in moral quality.

...

Pure adaptive utilitarianism implies that it can be moral to harm minority interests in defence or expansion of majority ethnic genetic interests. This follows from the unqualified statement that it is positively good to behave adaptively and better to pursue the adaptiveness of the greatest number. The mixed ethic allows frustration of others' interests but only in defence. Since an aggressing group violates others' rights to life, liberty and property and accompanying procedural rights in order to expand its genetic interests, its victims are justified in harming the aggressor in acts of defence. The rights-centred ethic holds that pursuing ethnic genetic interest is not bad, so long as no harm is done in the process. This disallows aggression because it violates rights, but it also disallows defence when the aggression only threatens genetic interests, since these are given nil weight.

...

It is in the face of the pure ethic that Alexander's caution about unrestrained interest seeking rings true: '[Ethical] rules consist of restraints on particular methods of seeking self-interests, specifically on activities that affect deleteriously the efforts of others to seek their own interests.' The mixed ethic has such restraints in the right to survival of the losing group with reduced but viable resources. But it balances these rights against the right to strive for one's ethny, which permits asymmetrical outcomes. Recall Hamilton's view that some competition must be allowed to continue.

...

Let me summarize my answer to the first question, 'Does defending ethnic genetic interests ever justify frustrating other interests?'. Pure adaptive utilitarianism approves of ethnic genetic interests frustrating other interests so long as this maximizes the adaptiveness of the greater number. The mixed ethic also approves but affords basic rights to all parties, including minorities. The rights-centred ethic rejects frustrating other interests because this causes harm. I have argued in favour of the mixed ethic. The analogy between family and ethny helps clarify the moral issues at stake. Ethnic identity combined with a feeling or belief that the ethny constitutes an extended family is likely to induce a sense of duty towards it. An observer might agree that such a duty exists. The analogy indicates that if it is wrong to divert a parent's nurture from his or her children, then it is also wrong to divert individuals from identifying with or aiding their ethnies. The family analogy would lose force if it were plausibly argued that adaptive behaviour cannot be moral because it is discriminatory. This is Kant's classic argument that moral rules must be universalisable. However, this position is vulnerable to a reductio ad nauseam, since it implies that mother love is not morally good and that moral behaviour is impossible in the long-term future. It is also vulnerable to reductio ad absurdum, because it implies that moral behaviour could not have evolved.


In sum, Salter seems to say it is justifiable to frustrate others' interests if the reason is to defend one's own (i.e., fellow) ethnic genetic interest. He explains this in detail at pages 299-310. You should read it, if you find the time (I have asked someone a while ago to upload my scan on libgen; check it out).

One very important passage about morality is on page 308, where you read :

Alexander implies that universalism is often a competitive tactic, or can be, and concludes thus: 'If morality means true sacrifice of one's own interests, and those of his family, then it seems to me that we could not have evolved to be moral.'


That's the best argument that morality can only be evolutionary maladaptive. And that we have evolved only to "discriminate" human groups (so, Singer's argument doesn't work). At the same time, morality can be understood in a different way. At page 308, again, you read :

Darwin considered moral behaviour to have evolved to be universalistic within the tribe but particularistic between tribes. In his view self sacrifice was a losing strategy for isolated individuals but a winning one when put to the service of inter-tribal competition:

It must not be forgotten that although a high standard of morality gives but a slight or no advantage to each individual man and his children of the same tribe, yet an increase in the number of well-endowed men and advancement in the standard of morality will certainly give an immense advantage to one tribe over another. A tribe including many members who, possessing in a high degree the spirit of patriotism, fidelity, obedience, courage, and sympathy, who were always ready to aid one another, and to sacrifice themselves for the common good, would be victorious over most other tribes; and this would be natural selection.


This type of morality is not the naïve and blind one previously described. Again, the same idea is illustrated : discrimination is not maladaptive and undesirable. Salter (2006, p. 271) even says that the defense of genetic interest is not incompatible with foreign aid. He says there is a correlation between national homogeneity and foreign aid (as % of GDP) and explains that it could be explained by the fact that the country becomes more generous when it is not threatened by ethnocentric reactions to growing numbers of foreigners within their territory : "Cross-racial support for children would be much less maladaptive for donors and their ethnic groups if they sent support to the children, instead of bringing the children to the supporting society. Individuals who wish to help homeless children but also care for their own people could subsidize adopting couples from the child's own ethny, or kindred ethnies." (Salter, 2006, p. 271). At the same page, he says that trans-racial adoption is malaptive if the adopted children do not reciprocate equally. For instance, if an adopted black (by white family) decides to help poor black families, it's a genetic loss for the white population since an adopted white child would have help poor white families. But that applies to ethnies as well. The adoption of danish children by english families, he says, can cause genetic loss, although to a much, much lesser degree. In fact, the genetic loss increases with the genetic distance regarding the adopted child.

In a multi-ethnic society, when one desires to avoid practicing nepotism there emerges several threats to adaptiveness. One is interracial relationship. Children from produced by interracial couples will harm at least the interest of one of the two groups; the racial group he doesn't choose to marry. While it can't be negatively affected when each group marry members of their own group. Another issue is with reproduction. If a dominant group in his home country produces less babies than minority groups, that is necessarily maladaptive for the dominant group. Thus, if humanism implies you must give equal weights to all human groups, it implies that you'll be under the threat of losing your (reproductive) fitness.

From the evolutionary perspective, it should be adaptive to apply strategies that give relatively more advantages, conveniences, amenities, to the people of the dominant group, and it should be no less adaptive for people to make "discriminatory" choices in their everyday life.

(P.S.: The Salter 2006 correspond to the Salter 2003 book you have cited. I just happened to have the 2nd edition.)

That being said, I am going to edit some of my earlier messages, and I encourage you to do the same, if you think it's needed. Some of the links don't work anymore because now the threads are merged, and the previous ones have disappeared. And I also want to ensure that the readers understand to which posts (specifically) I am responding.

(edit: Oh by the way, I noticed now that the number of views is only 692. It's unfortunate that merging the thread does not merge the number of views. Maybe next time, multiple threads should not be allowed.)
Mng Hu,

Thanks for the comments.

The above discussion is not a big hole, it will not affect your defense of biological races, yet it's something that dishonest people may want to insist.


I will wait to see if I get a clarification concerning the argument.

It's OK. But if it appears somewhere in section 2, I recommend you to indicate that you'll talk about that subject in depth in section 4.



I added, "As discussed in section II-E" and moved the discussion into the main section.

Section 6 :


I'm Ok with what you say. But remember that equality does not have a pejorative meaning. The word equality has the idea to bring groups of people closer, so to speak. But "race" affirms the differences between groups of people; it tends to encourage groups to distance themselves. That's what they will say, at least.


Maybe it should.

https://www.hawaii.edu/powerkills/COM.ART.HTM
[url=http://www.crf-usa.org/brown-v-board-50th-anniversary/the-color-of-justice.html]What's interesting here is that racial preferences seem to be hardwired into our genes. "Conflicts" resulting from this seem inevitable. White people seem afraid that US whites discriminate against US blacks but ignore that the process is reversed in South Africa. What that seems to imply is that multiculturalism doesn't work, and nationalism (and with it, racial homogeneity) may not be a wrong alternative.


That article has an awful lot of selective citing.

Look at meta-analytic results instead:

Devine, D. J., & Caughlin, D. E. (2014). Do they matter? A meta-analytic investigation of individual characteristics and guilt judgments. Psychology, Public Policy, and Law, 20(2), 109.

Defendant characteristics. The overall analyses for the five defendant characteristics yielded a smaller range of effects on guilt judgments compared with the juror characteristics. For three characteristics, the sample-weighted mean effects were very close to zero: gender (r .02, k 25), race (r .03, k 51), and physical attractiveness (r .04, k 12). There is accordingly no evidence of a robust relationship between these defendant characteristics and juror judgments of guilt, but the overall effect for defendant race must be interpreted carefully in light of the way the data were coded. In essence, it reflects a slight observed tendency across all jurors to show favoritism toward defendants of the same race. However, when the studies were sorted by juror race and reanalyzed, differences emerged. There was no indication of outgroup severity bias in the 32 studies where White mock jurors decided a case involving a White versus Black defendant (r .02), but in the seven studies where White mock jurors decided a case involving a White versus Hispanic defendant, a modest outgroup severity bias emerged (r .11). Black mock jurors also demonstrated a modest outgroup bias against White defendants in the 10 studies featuring a White versus Black defendant (r .13).


So blacks are racially biased (for Blacks against Whites), but whites are only ethnically so (for non-Hispanics against Hispanics). No doubt, though, that critics will point to your cited studies as proof of ubiquitous biological-race thinking-cause racism. But that isn't something I can argue against given the narrow scope of the paper.
I will wait to see if I get a clarification concerning the argument.


What I said regarding sections 5 and 6 are just warnings and recommendations (respectively). That is to say, I can give you my approval already. But I want to know first what you want to do about section 6. If you decide to modify something, I want to read it again, and I will approve after this.

Maybe it should.


I'm pretty sure that for white people, the word equality is a thumbs up. Especially today, they seem to be excessively obsessed with that idea of equality (in everything). And this, despite what is said in your link. And if you discuss the matter with libertarians, I'm confident at 99.99% about how they will answer you : they will tell you it's usually not people that start wars, but governments. They will say that freedom won't cause a war, because freedom don't use force. That's the classic stuff.

So blacks are racially biased (for Blacks against Whites), but whites are only ethnically so (for non-Hispanics against Hispanics). No doubt, though, that critics will point to your cited studies as proof of ubiquitous biological-race thinking-cause racism. But that isn't something I can argue against given the narrow scope of the paper.


I see you're well informed. Anyway, what I wanted to say is that if the community applies harsher punishment (given equivalent deeds) against the strangers, it's not illogical. That your cited study evidences a reverse discrimination is interesting.
What I said regarding sections 5 and 6 are just warnings and recommendations (respectively). That is to say, I can give you my approval already. But I want to know first what you want to do about section 6. If you decide to modify something, I want to read it again, and I will approve after this.


I would like to rewrite parts of 6. Could you identify the arguments most in need of improving. I don't want to defend adaptive utilitarianism and justify biased discrimination -- it's out of place here. I have thought about it myself, though. I know what you mean. This topic deserves a separate paper.